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By Naing Khit 14 March 2022
No dictator calls himself a dictator. Myanmar’s coup maker and army chief Min Aung Hlaing isn’t any exception. Nevertheless, taken collectively, his actions, public habits and what now we have realized of his non-public life paint a portrait not simply of an absolute dictator however of a very nasty piece of labor whose overconfidence, conceitedness and narcissism might surpass even these of his predecessors, the dictators Normal Ne Win and Senior Normal Than Shwe.
A few months in the past, one in all my sources in Naypyitaw—the capital of Myanmar and the headquarters of the junta—instructed me that Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has stopped going to see his former boss, earlier army regime chief Than Shwe, who handpicked him as his successor as commander-in-chief, probably the most highly effective place within the nation, when he formally relinquished energy in 2011.
It’s customary for incumbent and former senior generals to go to Than Shwe sometimes and pay their respects to him as their supremo. Amongst those that have routinely made the trek to his door are former common and president Thein Sein, different former generals and a few present main members of the military-formed Union Solidarity and Growth Get together. Till lately, Min Aung Hlaing, as commander-in-chief, was amongst them, including to his duties the occasional unofficial briefing for the previous junta boss on the nation’s general scenario following his coup in February 2021.
For the reason that center of final 12 months, nevertheless, he has stopped assembly the previous paramount chief, who oppressed Myanmar together with his iron-fisted rule for 19 years.
It’s not inaccurate to say that Than Shwe, 89, is Min Aung Hlaing’s godfather or benefactor; in spite of everything he handed him probably the most highly effective place within the nation’s strongest establishment, the army. In different phrases, he made it doable for him to stage the coup, take management of the nation and appoint himself as prime minister of his personal army regime.
So why has Min Aung Hlaing stopped visiting Than Shwe?
My sources see it as an indication of overconfidence on Min Aung Hlaing’s half. Till lately, his common visits to his reclusive former boss have been largely out of courtesy, two sources confirmed. His determination to discontinue the visits appears one other signal that he’s satisfied he can run the nation alone.
It’s positively one attribute of a dictator—seeing oneself as the last word ruler who calls all of the pictures.
My sources and a few others with whom I shared this data see Min Aung Hlaing’s act as a type of “defiance” of his former boss, who has himself already secured a spot in historical past as one of many world’s most infamous dictators.
Maybe, Min Aung Hlaing, 67, now sees his former boss as an individual of fading relevance, residing out his final days. In the meantime, together with his coup in February final 12 months, he sees himself as a savior, doing for the army what earlier generations of generals—together with Than Shwe himself in addition to Thein Sein, his former president—did not do over the previous decade: hold a agency grip on energy and never let the Nationwide League for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi take it away from them via elections.
Don’t get me mistaken, although: There was no political disagreement or something like that between the previous boss and the present coup chief.
Ex-generals backed coup
Earlier than his coup on Feb. 1, 2021, Min Aung Hlaing reportedly visited Than Shwe and knowledgeable him that he was going to stage a coup in opposition to the elected Daw Aung San Suu Kyi-led NLD authorities.
Than Shwe didn’t cease him, however merely cautioned that, if he had made up his thoughts, he ought to take all potentialities into consideration earlier than appearing. This implies Min Aung Hlaing had his former boss’s blessings for the takeover, which has to this point seen greater than 1,500 individuals killed and a number of other thousand extra arrested.
Two different high generals of Than Shwe’s regime, which staged a coup in 1988, additionally supported Min Aung Hlaing’s coup. Maung Aye, now 83, who was Than Shwe’s deputy and the vice senior-general within the earlier army regime, even mentioned it was a bit late and may have been finished earlier, based on sources who’ve entry to personal details about the previous generals.
The opposite one who supported the most recent coup was the earlier regime’s spy chief, Normal Khin Nyunt. Often known as the “Prince of Evil,” the previous Navy Intelligence chief was liable for cracking down on all regime opponents after the 1988 coup. In early December final 12 months, the coup chief visited Khin Nyunt’s home in Yangon and images of their assembly confirmed they’d a cordial dialog.
Different former generals, together with former president Thein Sein, who was seen as a “reformist” by the worldwide group, tacitly supported the takeover.
Soe Thane, a former admiral and senior minister in U Thein Sein’s authorities, brazenly supported the coup in his e-book.
All of them supported Min Aung Hlaing’s determination to take away the elected authorities of the NLD, which defeated their social gathering, the USDP, each time the 2 sides competed in an election.
Mr. Know-It-All
Anybody who watches state-run tv repeatedly shall be conscious that Min Aung Hlaing behaves like a paramount chief satisfied of his personal omniscience. His extra notable performances at conferences with ruling council members and authorities officers embrace lectures to college rectors on the significance of training. He mentioned strolling was the perfect and least expensive type of train when he met officers from the Ministry of Well being. His lengthy, rambling speeches at conferences remind many Myanmar individuals of the nation’s former dictator Ne Win, who staged a coup in 1962. He didn’t hesitate to lecture lexicographers on the significance of right Burmese spelling or drugs males on Myanmar conventional drugs.
Like different dictators, Min Aung Hlaing hardly ever takes recommendation, not even from his seniors like U Thein Sein or the present appearing president, former common U Myint Swe. He additionally disregards the management of the USDP, which is backed by the generals. Everybody who has personally met him will inform you that he’s not a listener.
All that the members of his army junta, which includes 20 generals and politicians, do is take heed to no matter Min Aung Hlaing says. The identical goes for his total cupboard. It’s pathetic to see them on state TV jotting down what he says at conferences like schoolboys and women. Nobody dares to open their mouths to complain, it doesn’t matter what nonsense their boss utters.
The sources mentioned Min Aung Hlaing tends to concern orders randomly, as they happen to him, with out interested by them or educating himself concerning the subject. To gas his unrealistic concepts, there may be a small circle of his admirers comprised of growing older Buddhist monks and pro-military laymen and girls. That’s why he comes up with unrealistic concepts like operating electrical buses and vehicles in Myanmar, which has lengthy suffered from continual blackouts.
Nastier than Thou
Of all of the dictators Myanmar has endured to this point, Min Aung Hlaing is unparalleled by way of brutality and cruelty, exceeding even Ne Win and Than Shwe. That doesn’t imply his predecessors don’t have bloody arms. However in terms of crushing the opposition, each Myanmar individual residing in the present day can inform you that Min Aung Hlaing is extra ruthless.
If his regime can’t discover somebody it suspects of opposing it, it is going to seize any member of that individual’s household—even a toddler. Journalists who refuse to parrot the state’s falsehoods are on its goal listing. In case you are an ousted NLD lawmaker or member who hasn’t signed a pledge to not oppose the junta, or who brazenly helps the shadow Nationwide Unity Authorities and resistance motion—to not point out will get concerned with it—your properties are liable to being confiscated even if you’re fortunate sufficient to keep away from arrest.
In accordance with knowledge compiled by the Help Affiliation for Political Prisoners (AAPP), an advocacy group, a minimum of 267 homes and different properties owned by people had been seized by the junta as of Jan. 20, with practically half of these belonging to NLD lawmakers and members.
That’s simply the tip of the iceberg of his ruthlessness. There are many peasants within the anti-regime stronghold of Sagaing Area in higher Myanmar who might inform you about how their lives have been shattered after their household properties have been destroyed within the regime’s indiscriminate airstrikes.
Regardless of his callousness, nevertheless, Min Aung Hlaing nonetheless hasn’t established full management of the nation regardless of greater than a 12 months having elapsed because the coup. His supposedly formidable military has proved inept in opposition to a extra frivolously armed however extremely motivated opponent. Having failed to win a fast victory, he is attempting to sow panic among the many individuals by any means.
Dictators come and eventually go. However the query now could be how lengthy Min Aung Hlaing will have the ability to cling to energy and to what extent the individuals of Myanmar should hold struggling by the hands of probably the most brutal dictator they’ve ever seen. The autumn of a dictator like Min Aung Hlaing can solely imply salvation for the nation and its total inhabitants.
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