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When Jordan’s Prince Hamzah bin Al Hussein relinquished his title on April 3, official media shops remained silent, cautious of stepping out of line with the nation’s authorities.
King Abdullah II’s half brother was the primary royal within the kingdom’s historical past to make such a transfer, which got here a yr after he was accused of plotting in opposition to the king.
Because the announcement, wherein Hamzah mentioned his “private convictions” have been “not in line” with Jordan’s present establishments, confusion has lingered among the many Jordanian public, with rumours that he was pressured to signal an apology letter that was revealed by the Royal Court docket a month in the past.
Hamzah’s announcement got here as Jordan experiences a wave of public dissatisfaction, a crackdown on dissenting voices, and censorship of media shops, nearly all of which have nonetheless not been reported by the media.
“Our silence proved once more that we’re managed, we work inside a sure agenda, that we aren’t impartial nor partial,” Khalid Qudah, an Amman-based political commentator, advised Al Jazeera.
Hamzah’s criticisms of the Jordanian authorities hit a uncooked nerve, notably as a lot of these against King Abdullah II, however supportive of the establishment of the monarchy, noticed him instead.
The sensitivity of the subject is due to this fact clear, and in a media panorama the place the safety companies continuously stress journalists to not publish articles on sure subjects, few have dared to the touch the topic.
“The Jordanian authorities need to silence opposition voices and that is terrifying,” mentioned Mohammad Ersan, the editor-in-chief of two Jordanian media shops. “Particularly if you’re an impartial journalist – you are concerned every single day that somebody will knock in your door to arrest you.”
The Jordanian authorities has lately cracked down on activists, journalists, and union members, finishing up “preemptive” arrests. Whereas silencing political dissent has grow to be routine observe, arrests based mostly solely on intent are seldom seen within the kingdom.
“Now, there’s a new methodology of arrests, not based mostly on what they [those arrested] do, however moderately on their intent of doing one thing,” mentioned Qudah, who can be on the board of the Jordan Press Affiliation. “That is extra harmful; it’s a huge transformation.”
A minimum of 150 individuals have been arrested within the month previous Hamzah’s assertion, in line with a current report revealed by Democracy for the Arab World Now, a regional NGO. The report famous that the arrests have been tied to the federal government’s efforts to forestall anti-government protests.
Maisara Malas, an engineer and union activist who was arrested on March 24 on the anniversary of a protest 11 years earlier, advised Al Jazeera that he was arrested on the doorstep of his home and detained for 12 hours.
“Actually, I didn’t know the explanation,” Malas mentioned, noting that he “forgot there was a protest that day”.
“Jordan has by no means handled a scenario like this,” he added. “I really feel like I’m dwelling in a merciless system, not one based mostly on authorized or constitutional legal guidelines.”
‘Folks’s prince’
Jordanian authorities have been unsettled ever since Hamzah publicly criticised Jordan’s “governing construction” and accused it of corruption and incompetence.
Whereas Hamzah mentioned he had been positioned underneath home arrest on the time, the federal government tried to place a line underneath the matter, cautious of his reputation and proof of a divide between Jordan’s elite.
Hamzah’s informal manner and resemblance to his father, the late King Hussein, have lengthy introduced him assist – notably amongst Jordan’s tribal populations, who have been amongst King Hussein’s core supporters, and whose backing is now key to the regime’s stability.
“It’s his method of speaking, his modesty,” a Jordanian from a tribe outdoors the nation’s capital, Amman, who spoke on situation of anonymity, advised Al Jazeera. “[When Hamzah visited us] he got here with out guards or something, he was simply driving a truck … That is how the individuals of Jordan love their leaders.”
Through the Arab Spring-era demonstrations, pushed largely by financial discontent blamed on King Abdullah II’s financial liberalisation and privatisation insurance policies, some protesters had vocalised their preferences for a transition to Hamzah’s rule.
King Abdullah II’s insurance policies have threatened Jordan’s tribal populations, who profit from patronage schemes and public sector jobs. It was amongst these populations that the pro-reform Unified Jordanian Hirak motion emerged on the onset of the Arab Spring, and the place love for Hamzah runs deep.
“I like the entire Hashemite household [the Jordanian monarchy], however what I like about him [Hamzah] is that he’s very humble and he’s nearer than the opposite princes and princesses to the residents,” mentioned a Jordanian from a tribe in Madaba, who additionally spoke on the situation of anonymity.
“The persons are nearer to Hamzah’s narrative. It’s on the facet of individuals; it speaks about them and displays their emotions,” mentioned Qudah, who can be on the board of the Jordan Press Affiliation.
Starvation and corruption
The Pandora Papers and Credit score Suisse’s leaks of King Abdullah II’s thousands and thousands in offshore accounts added to many Jordanian residents’ criticisms of high-level authorities corruption, leaving the royal household on skinny ice with an already annoyed populace.
“The Jordanian individuals, we reached some extent now the place we’re actually annoyed by the way in which the nation is being dominated,” mentioned Hind al-Fayez, a former MP from one among Jordan’s largest tribes, and who’s now a Hirak member.
However, she advised Al Jazeera, “It’s not that we’re not pleased with the way in which King Abdullah is ruling the nation, so we’d like his brother. No! We would like the individuals to rule.”
“It’s in regards to the big hole between them [the royal family] and the individuals. The insecurity,” al-Fayez added.
In a current public opinion ballot, solely 36 p.c of Jordanians surveyed had belief within the present authorities.
Unemployment charges in Jordan have reached unprecedented ranges, with almost half of Jordan’s youth – the most important and rising section of the inhabitants – unemployed.
“The Jordanian individuals don’t have anything to lose,” mentioned al-Fayez. “We’re hungry.”
“Folks used to knock on my door, asking for monetary assist, for jobs,” she added. “Now, persons are asking for one meal – for a sandwich. They’re hungry. This can be a bomb which may explode at any time.”
The modifications to the 2022 electoral legislation, which might permit for the formation of political events, could be the federal government’s “final probability of encouraging democracy”, al-Fayez mentioned, noting that there needs to be more room in Parliament allowed for Hirak representatives.
“In any other case, there can be a revolution,” al-Fayez added. “It’s about time now, the individuals ought to snap out of it and say, ‘now we have the appropriate to rule our nation – cease sucking our blood.’”
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