Kazakhstan’s ‘Bloody January’ Through The Eyes Of Those Who Covered It 

“The circumstances which began the January protests are nonetheless there, and that fireplace may very well be ignited at any level,” says Cheryl L. Reed, an American journalist, writer, and Fulbright scholar who got here to Kazakhstan to review the January occasions.

On January 2, 2022, a peaceable protest towards a rise in gasoline costs changed into widespread anti-government demonstrations that culminated in a lethal “shoot-to-kill” order. Kazakh authorities say 232 folks, together with 19 regulation enforcement officers, had been killed throughout the nation, and 6 individuals had been tortured to loss of life in custody.

President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev blamed activists and journalists for “inciting” the protests, which many in Kazakhstan now consult with as Qandy Qantar (Bloody January). He additionally claimed that “20,000 extremists educated in overseas terrorist camps” attacked Almaty, with out offering any proof.

How did a peaceable protest in Kazakhstan flip so violent? Why have the authorities refused to permit a world investigation of the occasions? And the way did the January unrest change the general public’s view of the federal government?

RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service mentioned these questions with Reed, who’s a winner of the Goldsmith Award for Greatest Investigative Journalism. Reed spent 4 months visiting areas in Kazakhstan the place the protests erupted and interviewed native journalists who coated them. A collection of articles by Reed, which recount the occasions of January as seen by journalists, appeared final week within the present affairs journal The Diplomat.

RFE/RL: There are totally different variations of what actually occurred a yr in the past. Toqaev spoke concerning the “terrorist” assault on the nation. On the identical time, he said that there have been traitors amongst high-ranking officers who needed to take away him from energy. The concept of an “elite wrestle” is kind of standard among the many folks in Kazakhstan. Was it an tried coup or a quickly erupting, chaotic, standard protest? What actually occurred?

Cheryl L. Reed: Nearly everybody I interviewed — together with folks of excellent standing, folks of very excessive reputations, people who find themselves activists operating NGOs — all have these huge conspiracy theories. Сoming from the U.S., I am not serious about conspiracy theories. My nation has already handled numerous conspiracy theories, and so they do not ever pan out. After I would hear these conspiracy theories, I simply did not consider it.

It was attention-grabbing to me as a result of the overseas journalists I talked to, none of them believed the conspiracy theories. The native journalists I talked to all did. However the machinations — how this was speculated to work — simply made no sense to me. Possibly it is as a result of I do not dwell within the nation. I believe I perceive the politics of Kazakhstan pretty effectively, however I simply discovered it actually onerous to consider all of the issues that they had been suggesting.

My focus on this mission was actually to hearken to what the journalists had been saying by way of their very own freedom of speech. How had been they in a position to talk, particularly at a really crucial time when your entire nation actually wanted to know what was happening? Lots of them had been in an data vacuum. The police weren’t solely making an attempt to discourage the protesters, however they had been making an attempt to discourage the journalists, in some methods very bodily.

So my curiosity was in how did these journalists report and take care of the repression from the police, the authorities, and what did they see, what had been they feeling, what had been they considering, what they left behind, and the dangers they had been taking. And what that threat meant to them.

RFE/RL: What was probably the most difficult factor whilst you had been working in Kazakhstan, interviewing folks and gathering knowledge?

Reed: I’d say that the KNB (Nationwide Safety Committee, successor to the Soviet-era KGB) tracked me, filmed me, contacted and harassed my translators, adopted me, adopted the those that I interviewed, and tried to stop me from getting the story.

I may let you know one anecdote: I am sitting in Aqtobe interviewing a journalist in a resort that I stayed at — in a tent, you understand, they’ve these, like, cabanas. One man is strolling forwards and backwards filming us very brazenly. And the journalist says: ‘You realize, that man has been filming us. I do not care as a result of I am used to it, I am an impartial journalist.’

However by that time, I had been brazenly filmed by so many individuals, it was so irritating to me. I went over to that man and began yelling at him, and he was so unnerved by it that he left.

However they tried to do it in such apparent methods. They’ve the gardener strolling round our desk with a digicam in his pocket. We went to a cabana the place no person may really come by, however there was a window, and all of the sudden it opened. I imply, each which approach they may attempt to pay attention in. On one hand, it is comical, and however, it is simply irritating.

RFE/RL: Going again to the subject of your analysis, in your view, how did the protests that began peacefully in numerous areas of Kazakhstan over gasoline costs and social points flip to violence? Was it organized?

Reed: I believe it was undoubtedly grassroots in Zhanaozen and Aqtau. I believe that some folks co-opted it and tried to do what they needed to do. Typically, what I hear from journalists is a lot of the protests had been very peaceable. However when the police reacted to the protest, that is when it grew to become violent.

So there can be lots of individuals — 2,000, 3,000, 4,000 folks — gathered collectively on this nation the place you are not allowed to protest or collect, and the police are simply freaking out. That is once they begin capturing these grenades and rubber bullets, and that is when the protesters retaliated.

So, it was just like the police had been overwhelmed with the lots after which tried to disperse them. After which if somebody capturing at you, no matter what they’re capturing, even when it is rubber bullets, you are going to defend your self. In order that appeared to speed up the scenario as a substitute of what I believe the intention was, simply to disperse folks, and that did not actually occur.

RFE/RL: What was the notion of individuals on the actions of native authorities? How did they assess the way in which native authorities communicated with them?

Reed: Effectively, I believe in some areas, undoubtedly Zhanaozen and Aqtau had been way more optimistic. And as you may see, the outcome was nobody was killed. And there was a direct relationship between the shortage of communication from authorities and the deaths.

Now, I believe in Qyzylorda, the mayor got here out and did attempt to converse to them, and that did not assist. So, in some circumstances, it did not assist as a result of the crowds had been simply too infected. And in among the different cities the place nobody responded — undoubtedly in Almaty — it was an element, when the journalists saved saying that the protesters had been simply so upset by the truth that nobody was addressing them, that that was one of many the reason why they used pressure.

RFE/RL: What was the notion of individuals whom you interviewed about Toqaev’s order to shoot with out warning?

Reed: A couple of folks talked about it. I imply, there was the concern of it. And so I believe there was a number of self-censorship on account of that. A whole lot of journalists pulled again on account of that after which different activists had been very crucial of it since you’re capturing with out realizing who these persons are. And people who find themselves passing on the road, legally driving on the road.

Most individuals had been extremely crucial of it. After which additionally most of the journalists stated that…they feared that troopers and police who knew who they had been would use that to kill them.

RFE/RL: Worldwide rights organizations and the European Parliament are amongst those that have pushed for a world investigation into the violence. Nonetheless, the Kazakh authorities rejected any worldwide probe. Why did the authorities reject the decision for a world investigation?

Reed: Generally, individuals who have one thing to cover aren’t going to need somebody from the surface coming in. Additionally, the president gave an amnesty. So he kind of quashed any kind of investigation. There are lots of people in energy and possibly a number of police who would have been held liable for the capturing. However the place does that accountability finish? The president stated “shoot to kill.” Then I suppose it will finish with him as a result of the troopers had been appearing on his orders.

RFE/RL: Public dialogue concerning the January occasions often covers Toqaev’s order and people who are liable for that and the people who find themselves concerned. However do you consider that the angle of the dialogue needs to be modified for different points as effectively, or how ought to or not it’s modified, in your view?

Reed: Effectively, he talked loads concerning the 20,000 “terrorists.” I imply, there’s a number of dialogue about that, too, and theories about why he stated that. I believe there needs to be some dialogue in each metropolis: How do you reply to civil unrest? I imply, there needs to be a longtime process. Do you cordon off the realm? Do you permit the folks to have their say?

Typically, and I am talking as somebody who’s coated many, many protests in America, people who find themselves protesting have one thing they need to get out. You making an attempt to cease them, as the federal government, it is not going to assist something. I imply, typically, in the event you allow them to protest, they go house. No one will get killed, no person will get harm. And also you making an attempt to cease them, it is not going to assist something. The minute you begin capturing at folks, they’ll reply.

I believe, by way of a protest, permitting folks to have their freedom of speech, permitting them to say what they need to say, so long as they are not destroying property or hurting folks, why do you care? Making an attempt to manage every thing does not finish effectively. Individuals have this pent-up frustration that they should get out ultimately.

What I heard concerning the January protests time and again is that these had been extraordinary individuals who began this protest. These had been simply extraordinary individuals who had been fed up. And that once you get to that stage, the place persons are actually keen to threat arrest, they’re simply so fed up, then you definitely’ve acquired an actual downside in your fingers and also you see this in a number of locations. Take a look at Iran proper now. A few of these nations the place you don’t have any freedom of speech, you don’t have any potential to protest, you don’t have any potential to have civil disobedience, what finally ends up taking place is then you could have civil unrest and folks reply, and it isn’t at all times peaceable.

RFE/RL: The January occasions had been the second time within the historical past of impartial Kazakhstan that the authorities used pressure towards folks. How have the January occasions modified the perspective of society towards the authorities? Did folks you interviewed speak about it?

Reed: I did not interview widespread on a regular basis folks. However I requested everybody whom I interviewed, how did this variation the nation? Some folks stated it did not change it in any respect, and different folks felt that it made folks extra open to debate issues that had been controversial and that made them really feel freer to have the ability to focus on these issues.

However what I can let you know from having traveled 20,000 miles all around the nation interviewing all these folks [is that] I would not be shocked if one other protest occurs. As a result of what did this protest obtain? I imply, lots of people would say that it did not change something. And it possibly allowed Toqaev to have extra energy, and it removed [former longtime President Nursultan] Nazarbaev and his household and their management. Possibly some folks would say that, however different folks would say they’re in the identical scenario.

I undoubtedly really feel that the scenario and the circumstances which began the January protests are nonetheless there, and that fireplace may very well be ignited at any level.