As Expected, Uzbek Constitutional Referendum Approved – The Diplomat

Crossroads Asia | Politics | Central Asia

Technically well-prepared, however missing open debate and real political pluralism, with a aspect of “administrative sources” misuse — that’s the gist of the preliminary findings from the OSCE’s mission to watch Uzbekistan’s April 30 constitutional referendum.

In line with Uzbekistan’s Central Election Fee (CEC), 90.21 % of those that voted in Sunday’s referendum authorized the brand new structure. Turnout, the CEC mentioned, exceeded 84 %. 

In December 2021, Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev outlined his proposal for a revamped structure, packaging it as a essential subsequent step within the reform program that has outlined his administration. However when the first draft of the proposed constitutional modifications was made public in June 2022, it set off protests in Karakalpakstan. For causes by no means fairly defined, the primary draft of the proposed constitutional modifications included the scrapping of Karakalpakstan’s sovereignty, specifically its constitutional proper to secede from Uzbekistan. The following protests had been massive however shortly quashed, the specter of the Karimov period elevating its head amid Mirziyoyev’s push for a “New Uzbekistan.” Mirziyoyev flew to Nukus, the capital of Karakalpakstan and promised to take away the offending provisions. 

In August 2022, the Uzbek authorities closed public touch upon the constitutional draft, however the momentum for the referendum had been clearly interrupted. For a number of months, little to nothing was mentioned about it. 

In early 2023, the primary of two main trials of these Tashkent blamed for the unrest in Karakalpakstan ended. Lawyer and journalist Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov was sentenced to 16 years, a harsh sentence for a person who referred to as for a “no” vote ought to a constitutional referendum be held.

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A month later, in early March 2023, a last draft of the referendum was unveiled and the vote scheduled for April 30. The ultimate draft altered 65 % of the prevailing Uzbek Structure, together with the introduction of 27 new articles and 159 new provisions. Though some points of the brand new structure characterize a progressive improve — equivalent to protections for individuals from wanton residence demolition, provisions barring discrimination towards girls within the office attributable to being pregnant, and enshrining the precise to stay silent for these accused of crimes — the tinkering with the presidential time period (increasing it from 5 to seven years) harkens again to an outdated Karimov trick to dodge the pesky two-term restrict for the presidency, which stays within the structure. 

The OSCE referendum monitoring mission famous of their preliminary findings that whereas there was a government-run “Sure” marketing campaign — for which the federal government reportedly marshaled public servants and celebrities — “there was no organized opposition to the amendments.” The destiny of Tazhimuratov is illustrative in explaining why, and the way, there was no organized opposition. Because the OSCE famous, the vote occurred in “an atmosphere in need of real political pluralism and competitors.”

As Bruce Pannier wrote final month for BNE Intellinews, “The issue with the structure has all the time been whether or not the authorities select to pay any consideration to it.” As soon as once more, there is a chance for the Uzbek authorities to abide by their very own structure, however little precedent for Tashkent to take action when it runs counter to the priorities of the powers-that-be. And with the brand new structure enshrined in legislation, that energy will stay Mirziyoyev for years to come back.