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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February of this yr undermined the essential ideas of the United Nations, together with the primary article of the group’s constitution, which states that “conflicts between international locations must be solved by peaceable means solely.” Whereas many international locations have been reluctant to sentence and isolate Russia for its aggressive motion – together with, China, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, India, and Pakistan – Cambodia has been remarkably outspoken on this situation, coming down in Ukraine’s favor.
The battle has strengthened the safety issues of small states like Cambodia, which worry that bigger powers will invade their territory or meddle of their home affairs. Consequently, they depend on worldwide regulation to guard their nationwide sovereignty and territorial integrity. Cambodia’s selection to increase its assist to Ukraine and condemn Russia is a transparent indication of the federal government’s effort to take care of these worldwide norms.
Within the early part of the battle, it was initially assumed that Cambodia would abstain from any votes condemning Russia’s invasion of its neighbor. This assumption appeared to make sense for 2 causes.
First, the present Cambodian authorities has deep historic ties to Moscow. After a Vietnamese invasion toppled the Khmer Rouge authorities in 1979, solely the Soviet Union and Vietnam formally acknowledged the brand new Vietnam-installed authorities, identified then because the Folks’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), as Cambodia’s official authorities. All through the Nineteen Eighties, a lot of the remainder of the worldwide group continued to acknowledge the Coalition Authorities of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK), an alliance of the remnants of the Khmer Rouge regime and two different resistance teams. The Soviet Union was additionally essential in offering materials assist within the type of financial help of round $80 million to the PRK yearly, help that was essential to its survival.
Whereas the present financial relations between the 2 international locations differ from what they have been within the Nineteen Eighties, Russia and Cambodia nonetheless have excellent diplomatic and political relations. In 2015 and 2016, high Cambodian authorities officers together with Prime Minister Hun Sen, Deputy Prime Minister Sok An, Minister of Inside Sar Kheng, and former International Minister Hor Namhong, a former ambassador to the Soviet Union, paid separate visits to Russia. A month previous to the invasion, Nikolai Patrushev, Russia’s Secretary of the U.N. Safety Council and a member of Putin’s internal circle paid a three-day official go to to Cambodia. The aim of the go to was to strengthen the connection between the 2 international locations. Throughout this go to, Patrushev additionally introduced Russia’s Order of Friendship medal to Hun Sen.
Second, many observers and analysts, decoding the Russia-Ukraine battle in a framework of battle between democracies in opposition to autocracies, anticipated Cambodia to comply with China’s lead and routinely come out in assist of Russia. This notion has not solely come from exterior observers however has been echoed by high Cambodian authorities officers. As an example, Chrun Theravat, a secretary of state within the Rural Improvement Ministry, wrote an opinion piece for the government-aligned information website Recent Information, claiming that “Russia’s assault on Ukraine shouldn’t be an invasion.”
Nevertheless, operating counter to those assumptions, the Cambodian authorities has determined to increase its assist to Ukraine. In March, Cambodia co-sponsored a U.N. Basic Meeting decision condemning Russia. And in October of this yr, Cambodia voted in assist of one other Basic Meeting decision condemning Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s territory.
Past signing resolutions, Cambodia has additionally supplied materials assist to Ukraine’s battle effort. In early November, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen held a cellphone dialog with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, throughout which he pledged to ship Cambodian demining specialists to assist take away any landmines laid by Russian troops. It’s anticipated that the primary staff will probably be despatched in December and the second staff will ship within the first quarter of 2023.
And Cambodia, in its capability because the rotating chair of the Affiliation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), launched a press release expressing its issues over the state of affairs in Ukraine and urging each events to resolve the battle by way of peaceable means. Hun Sen additionally pledged to assist Ukraine’s purpose of changing into a “Sectoral Dialogue Accomplice” with ASEAN, a step nearer to the complete “Dialogue Partnership” the group already has with Russia, China, america, and different states.
Cambodia’s wholehearted diplomatic assist to Ukraine is especially noteworthy given the truth that diplomatic relations between the 2 international locations barely existed earlier than the battle. Cambodia’s backing of Ukraine over Russia, a strong nation, maybe signifies that on the subject of Cambodia’s priorities, the safety of sovereignty and territorial rights trumps all of those different issues. These safety issues are additionally obvious within the overseas coverage priorities Cambodia has championed by ASEAN throughout its chairmanship this yr.
Cambodia views ASEAN as an instrument that may assist to guard its pursuits and as a car by which the nation can challenge its views within the worldwide enviornment. This explains why in 2022, Cambodia has taken its chairmanship critically and tried to strengthen the unity amongst ASEAN states, whereas making an attempt to extend its position within the worldwide sphere.
All through its chairmanship, Cambodia made efforts to interact with huge and middle-sized powers and to strengthen ASEAN’s position within the worldwide enviornment. A sign of that is Cambodia’s effort to boost U.S.-ASEAN relations to the extent of complete strategic partnership throughout the ASEAN Summit, a standing that China achieved in 2021.
Cambodia additionally invited Ukraine’s overseas minister to attend the current fortieth and forty first ASEAN Summits in Phnom Penh, paving the way in which for Ukraine to signal the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). Six different international locations additionally signed the TAC together with Denmark, Greece, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. This act highlighted the bloc’s dedication to strengthening the respect for worldwide regulation and norms. The TAC is a legally-binding code that governs inter-state relationships based mostly on the precept of peaceable co-existence and cooperation.
Cambodia additionally assisted Timor-Leste’s efforts to turn out to be the eleventh member of ASEAN. On the finish of the ASEAN summits in Phnom Penh, member states granted Timor-Leste observer standing and introduced its intention “in-principle to confess Timor-Leste to be the eleventh member of ASEAN.” Timor-Leste has been ready for admission for greater than ten years. It’s hardly a coincidence that Cambodia pushed for Timor-Leste to turn out to be an ASEAN member in opposition to the backdrop of Russia’s battle in Ukraine. Cambodia’s assist for Timor-Leste may very well be interpreted as a necessity for small states to face collectively, significantly in a world dominated by competing nice powers.
Cambodia has additionally clearly seen the Myanmar disaster as a serious problem to ASEAN unity. For that reason, the problem has dominated ASEAN’s agenda in 2022. A sign of that is the frequent visits that high Cambodian officers, together with Prime Minister Hun Sen and International Minister Prak Sokhonn, who can also be ASEAN’s particular envoy for Myanmar, have paid to the nation. The aim of those visits has been to construct a conducive setting for the implementation of the bloc’s 5-Level Consensus peace plan. However clearly, Cambodia has prioritized ASEAN unity in its dealings with Myanmar. As an example, whereas Cambodia condemned the execution of 4 pro-democracy activists as “extremely reprehensible,” it has by no means inspired ASEAN to expel Myanmar from the bloc. Cambodia has solely elevated its engagement on the Myanmar situation based mostly on the ASEAN framework.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has raised urgent safety issues for Cambodia. Nonetheless, because the battle progresses it stays to be seen how Cambodia, and ASEAN, will react to the altering tides of the worldwide sphere. Will Cambodia proceed to behave based mostly on a method that prioritizes sovereignty and territorial rights? Or will different forces sway Cambodia’s hand?
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