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By Banyar Aung 12 December 2022
As soon as distinguished opposition figures who fought the army dictatorship, some former activists are not directly serving to the present army regime in Myanmar.
However this isn’t uncommon on this Southeast Asian nation. Its political historical past is plagued by such opportunistic political scoundrels.
When the enemy is simply too robust to defeat, they decide to cooperate with it. They betray their political rules and commitments, and willingly serve the pursuits of the enemy in change for some entitlements granted to them.
Within the post-independence interval, politicians contested for extremely paid seats within the authorities and parliament with the pledge to serve the pursuits of the folks. However they forgot their phrases after they have been elected to workplace. They betrayed the general public’s belief in them.
When Common Ne Win seized energy in 1962 and subsequently launched his financial ideology, the “Burmese Approach to Socialism,” which lastly pushed Myanmar into grinding poverty, many rose towards his rule. However then, some opponents obediently labored to advance the final’s “socialism” dream after bravely combating the army on the entrance line for years. They betrayed themselves.
Equally, those that as soon as advocated loudly for democracy and federalism within the nation are serving the present army regime at this time. Some dissidents who bravely fled life imprisonment from infamous Cocogyun Island at the moment are submissively working for the junta.
As soon as they fought bravely for the reason for democracy and human rights in Myanmar, however at this time, they’re cooperating with these whom they as soon as known as the enemy.
Whereas some are publicly collaborating with their former enemy, some usually are not. The best way they’re serving to the regime is so refined that it’s troublesome to note.
After the 1988 pro-democracy rebellion, many went into exile, and a few reached Western international locations the place they have been skilled by worldwide companies in democratic norms, and battle decision. A few of them obtained grasp’s levels and doctorates.
Some received acquainted with political theories of Western international locations although they didn’t receive levels. They tried and labored out options for Myanmar’s conflicts. Additionally they shared their ideas with the general public, and have been appointed to worldwide organizations, worldwide information companies, and Myanmar-focused organizations funded by Western international locations. From revolutionaries, they turned political intellectuals.
After the democratization course of in 2010, there have been louder requires dialogue and nationwide reconciliation, following some political reforms initiated beneath U Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian authorities. Inevitably, the political intellectuals and organizations backed by Western international locations performed an element on this development.
Their theories and perceptions of democracy, federalism, human rights, gender equality and environmental conservation commanded appreciable consideration from the educated. Citing the fascinating examples of Colombia, South Africa, Indonesia, Nepal, and India’s federalism, they promoted themselves because the political know-how in Myanmar’s peace course of.
It have to be famous that the notion of nationwide reconciliation was on the time centered across the generally held perception that Myanmar’s army, because the strongest establishment within the nation, couldn’t be left in another country’s politics if Myanmar’s extended political issues have been to be solved.
This notion grew stronger when the earlier authorities dominated by ex-generals accepted the electoral victory of the Nationwide League for Democracy (NLD) and handed over energy to it in 2016. With that notion rising in reputation, folks didn’t care about which aspect these political intellectuals supported.
The army coup on Feb. 1 final 12 months pressured a drastic change in Myanmar’s political panorama. The political bubble of nationwide reconciliation burst, and the notion of military-centered downside fixing was thrown into query.
The coup has additionally pressured politicians and people concerned in politics to decide on one aspect. It is usually unimaginable for political intellectuals to carry a impartial stand as a result of they will need to have a agency stance and look at so as to decide a political downside.
Most of them nonetheless uphold the military-centered strategy and name for dialogue to resolve political issues in Myanmar. They condemn the armed resistance, ignoring the truth that Myanmar folks have been solely peacefully demanding democracy till a lot of their buddies and kin have been intentionally shot useless in brutal crackdowns. And so they haven’t spoken a phrase in criticism of the army putsch.
They’ve advocated ceasefire and dialogue, and check out secretly to advertise ceasefires between the regime and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs). They fail to face by the Myanmar folks and make no effort to grasp their plight. They’re tight-lipped in regards to the regime’s faults, and its numerous atrocities, and fail to objectively assess the altering state of affairs.
In different phrases, they’re serving the pursuits of the regime within the title of peace and political dialogue, whereas ignoring the truth that the Myanmar army has by no means had a real want for peace.
They ignore the necessity to acknowledge and interact with the parallel Nationwide Unity Authorities and the Folks’s Protection Pressure, which signify democracy forces from Bamar-majority central Myanmar, if Myanmar’s disaster is to be solved.
As an alternative, they’ve solely engaged with EAOs, and urged them to watch a ceasefire. Their motion contributes to the regime’s technique to make a brief truce with EAOs, and focus its efforts on crushing the democratic forces in central Myanmar.
Not like the political scoundrels of earlier eras, political scoundrels of at this time don’t publicly cooperate with the regime. As they get pleasure from fats remuneration packages from their foundations funded by Western international locations, they don’t have to ask for entitlements from the regime, and don’t have to danger their picture by overtly supporting the regime.
They don’t seem to be as noticeable as political scoundrels from earlier eras. However they’re nonetheless a significant impediment to Myanmar’s prospects of attaining real democracy.
Citing their private expertise of armed wrestle up to now, they argue the continuing armed resistance is hopeless, and can end up on the dialogue desk. If the army had an actual want for dialogue and real peace in Myanmar, there is perhaps one thing to what they are saying.
Utilizing their picture, they’re selling the thought of dialogue. However they’re ignoring the regime’s violence towards the Myanmar folks. They haven’t talked about a phrase in regards to the 1000’s of people that have died by the hands of the Myanmar army since final 12 months’s coup. They’re silent in regards to the regime torching many villages in central Myanmar.
The inspiration of their thought is to not complain about what the Myanmar army does, and to take what it offers. They’re appearing primarily based on that view.
It will be important for folks to concentrate on their ideas and actions. They’re poison to each the nation and the folks.
Banyar Aung is a political and army analyst.
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