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Home Eastern Asia North Korea

Ending the Korean War: Interview With Former Deputy Commander of Pacific Command

by Asia Today Team
November 26, 2025
in North Korea
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Trump and Kim signing joint assertion at Singapore summit in 2018.

Resolving the North Korean nuclear subject stays as elusive as ever, regardless of greater than three a long time of diplomatic efforts by key stakeholders to ease tensions on the Korean Peninsula and pursue the normalization of US-North Korea relations by way of denuclearization. The primary and second US-DPRK summits in Singapore (2018) and Hanoi (2019) appeared to supply a possible breakthrough, but finally didn’t yield progress. For the reason that collapse of the Hanoi summit, North Korea has considerably superior its weapons of mass destruction packages. In the meantime, the shifting geopolitical panorama has gifted Kim Jong Un with a brand new heyday in North Korea’s relations with Russia. In sum, North Korea has been empowered, reinforcing the prevailing view that the Korean Peninsula’s safety scenario could also be now at its most precarious because the Korean Struggle.

President Trump has not given up on engagement and has expressed a willingness to fulfill with the North Korean chief throughout his present journey to Asia. Given Kim’s refusal to debate denuclearization, the US might want to discover different avenues of strategy to the DPRK chief.

In opposition to this backdrop, 38 North spoke with Basic (Ret.) Dan “Fig” Leaf to realize his perspective on the present scenario on and across the Korean Peninsula, his proposal to formally finish the Korean Struggle, and the alternatives and challenges that such an initiative entails. Basic Leaf is former deputy commander and appearing commander of US Pacific Command and former director of the Inouye Asia-Pacific Middle for Safety Research (APCSS).

38 North: You’ve gotten been a robust advocate of a US “peacemaker” position on the Korean Peninsula and ending the Korean Struggle. Might you elaborate in your considering behind this proposal?

Dan Leaf: There are three premises to my idea. First, a long time of well-intentioned US coverage have failed to discourage North Korean provocations, forestall nuclear growth, and enhance human rights within the DPRK. It’s time to attempt one thing totally different.

Secondly, the chance of potential nuclear battle with the DPRK is actual, and that ought to make discovering a brand new, more practical strategy to this US nationwide safety drawback and pressing precedence.

Lastly, the nation that leads the United Nations Command (UNC) and that signed the Armistice Settlement in that capability should take a number one position in establishing a everlasting peace association on the Korean Peninsula. Given the difficulties of reconciling competing pursuits on the outset illustrated by failure of the Six Social gathering Talks, the brand new effort ought to start with a unilateral US effort that takes a principled strategy to preparation for any alternative to interchange the Armistice with a peace treaty.

There’s actual work to be achieved previous to embarking on formal treaty negotiations. In a discovery section, the US authorities ought to critically research previous failures and successes in peacemaking. There aren’t any excellent parallels to the 73-year standoff because the Armistice was signed, however we are able to study from US-Vietnam reconciliation and our participation in Northern Eire battle decision. Negotiators have to be ready to handle Korean Struggle Armistice compliance and violations by either side. Understanding conditions the place the settlement has succeeded or failed will inform efficient negotiation and information growth of a sustainable treaty.

US negotiators should enter the room with vetted nationwide positions on key points prone to come up within the peace course of comparable to which nations deserve a seat on the desk and with what position. They should have a plan for the method and substance normalized post-Armistice land and sea boundaries. The transition of Armistice-related organizations just like the United Nations Command and Army Armistice Fee and their tasks will probably be sophisticated and have to be completed in a approach that doesn’t create a safety vacuum. With out a plan for a proper Fact and Reconciliation course of, peace won’t be attainable—nor will it if the USA is unprepared to information and take part in that endeavor. These preliminary stances can’t be set in stone; they’ll essentially evolve by way of negotiations with each Koreas.

38 North: What would a course of for ending the Korean Struggle seem like? What position would the USA, South Korea, and every China play?

DL: The primary and most crucial step is for the USA to reimagine its position concerning the Koreas. For many years, the preeminent focus has been conflict prevention. Little doubt we should proceed to discourage North Korean aggression with our South Korean allies. On the similar time, whereas sustaining peace by way of power, we must also make peacemaking our major goal.

Prioritizing peace is according to the Trump administration’s insurance policies. Secretary of Struggle Hegseth has emphasised warfighting readiness, citing a decline in focus throughout the navy. I agree—readiness is the inspiration of credible deterrence. President Trump has touted his appreciable peacemaking successes, a few of which might not have been attainable with out compelling fight functionality. In Africa, Europe, Center East, South Asia and Southeast Asia, US road cred was constructed on the large stick of American navy may.

The preliminary US solely initiative will naturally transition to a multilateral answer. Our interagency preparation shouldn’t be meant to supplant the ROK position, somewhat to allow success. As soon as adequately ready for substantive negotiation of a peace treaty to lastly, formally finish the conflict, South and North Korea have to be drawn into the dialogue, and the USA position might or might not shift from principal to interlocutor.

China will understandably insist on participation. Past Chinese language participation within the Korean Struggle, the have legitimate strategic concerns in the way forward for the Peninsula. These are advanced—from lowering nuclear threat, to commerce with South Korea, to a need to counter US affect. In some instances, their targets will probably be opposite to ours, however they nonetheless have to be handled immediately.

38 North: You’ve gotten written extensively concerning the want for an enduring peace, and have spoken publicly about it many occasions. You’ve gotten shared with 38 North that you simply additionally pursue behind-the-scenes engagement with US officers and different events. For instance, you lately returned from a visit to China. I perceive you met with a few of the students there who research North Korea. Primarily based in your newest change with them and your personal studying of open-source reporting, what’s your evaluation of North Korean stability and the safety scenario on and across the Korean Peninsula?

DL: My journey to China leverages relationships constructed on lively navy responsibility and because the Director at Daniel Ok. Inouye Asia-Pacific Middle for Safety Research (DKI APCSS). You will need to be aware that I go to at their invitation, and as a non-public citizen, not as a US official or worker of the federal government. That enables me to talk freely on a wide range of problems with concern to each nations, and I believe my hosts recognize that. I work to remain knowledgeable on American coverage and views. I help United State insurance policies, and the discussions are frank however collegial.

On Korea issues, I attempt to emphasize areas the place US and Chinese language pursuits will be served by the pursuit of a everlasting peace. Writ giant each nations will probably be well-served by the sort of paradigm shift a proper finish to the Korean Struggle would carry. The devilish particulars have to be addressed, however for US makes an attempt at progress to succeed, China should at the least not impede our initiatives and higher nonetheless, may play a constructive position.

I cannot try to talk for the Chinese language, however I did achieve priceless views in my most up-to-date journey by sitting down with coverage influencers and teachers, some who’ve just lately traveled to the DPRK. That is what I concluded from the discussions:

  • There’s important growth exercise in North Korea as a part of Kim Jong Un’s 20×10 challenge.
  • That growth is probably going enabled by Russia’s compensation for North Korean armaments and troops to help the conflict towards Ukraine.
  • Constructive relations with Russia and North Korea are essential to PRC.
  • That mentioned, I sense that Beijing is uneasy concerning the expanded Russia-North Korea ties and sees them as a doubtlessly destabilizing issue within the Northeast Asia safety atmosphere.
  • Due to this fact, China could also be inclined to tolerate and maybe help US efforts and engagement with Kim Jong Un.

38 North: Let’s discuss concerning the position of the UN. What extra may and may the UN be doing to attempt to settle the conflict? Who on the UN needs to be main this initiative? From a UN perspective, the place does the nuclear subject match into conflict settlement efforts?

DL: The United Nations and its member states may have a task, however on the outset, I anticipate it to be ancillary. The Safety Council has imposed quite a few sanctions on the DPRK that will probably be key concerns on the trail to a treaty. Nevertheless, the competing pursuits and priorities of the antagonists and different events, notably Russia, make it unlikely that the UN can play a central position in negotiations.

38 North: As you recognize, Kim Jong Un introduced a two Koreas coverage on the finish of 2023, defining South Korea as a everlasting hostile state and altogether ruling out peaceable unification. Kim additionally indicated that North Korea could be defining its “territory” within the structure. How may North Korea’s modified coverage on South Korea and unification, and presumably its future territorial claims, have an effect on any effort to finish the Korean Struggle?

DL: Two points have served the first limitations to peace. The primary, denuclearization, should stay a US crucial, however must be deferred in favor of building an atmosphere the place it should ultimately be achievable. The second Gordian knot is reunification of the 2 Koreas.

Kim’s declaration that unification just isn’t attainable supplies a gap. Will probably be far simpler to transition from his designation of North and South as distinct enemy states to separate pleasant states. Korean reunification might or will not be an eventual end result of a everlasting peace, however continuing from a state of conflict to peaceable reunification has confirmed to be the final word bridge too far.

Though South Koreans’ help of reunification is decrease than ever in line with a current authorities ballot, that is nonetheless an emotionally charged subject for a vocal minority in those that advocate and foyer concerning US coverage on North Korea. A conservative cabal argues {that a} free and unified Korea is the one acceptable finish state. “Free” on this context presumes the demise of North Korea, and it’s tough to think about this could be a profitable speaking level with Kim Jong Un.

Reunification advocates see return to a single Korea as an crucial, essential to proper the historic incorrect of division by exterior powers. The Soviet Union and the USA agreed to partition the Peninsula into two occupations zones, including lasting harm to the insult of 35 years of brutal occupation by Imperial Japan. Morally sound as that rationale is, a sensible path from the precarious scenario right now to a utopian finish state doesn’t exist.

38 North: Now, allow us to flip to the challenges and limitations of your proposal. Various students and practitioners have warned towards changing the Korean Armistice with a peace settlement, fearing {that a} untimely settlement may destabilize the area additional. What’s your response to this angle? What do you see as the important thing challenges and limitations of your proposal?

DL: Opponents of a peace settlement typically emphasize attainable second-order penalties. They fear {that a} treaty will result in a precipitous withdrawal, abandonment of denuclearization, and attainable North Korean assault on South Korea. None of those must be foregone conclusions, and US preparation for peace should tackle risk-mitigation. The American authorities must also research the failures of the 1954 Geneva Convention, the Agreed Framework, Six Social gathering Talks, and coverage of Strategic Endurance. The tragic aftermath of the Paris Peace Accords benefit particular consideration. By studying and making use of these classes, the US can considerably lower the potential for post-Treaty catastrophe.

I fear extra concerning the penalties of a failure to make peace—the potential for an intentional or unintended nuclear change, and the perpetuation of our ineffectiveness at addressing human rights throughout the North. Is there threat to negotiating the top of the Korean Struggle? After all. However the threat of sustaining the damaging established order is far higher.

There will probably be nothing straightforward concerning the US-only preparation for crafting a peace treaty to the precise arbitration of an settlement. Neither is success assured. However inaction—failure to do that onerous work—will doom the Koreas and the remainder of the world to an unacceptably harmful future.

Lt. Gen. Dan “Fig” Leaf is a retired three-star Air Pressure common and fight fighter pilot who final served on lively responsibility as Deputy Commander of the US Pacific Command. He later returned to public service because the Director of the Daniel Ok. Inouye Asia-Pacific Middle for Safety Research beneath the Division of Protection. Leaf is the Managing Director of Section Minus 1, a battle decision and safety consulting firm.



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