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Misreading the 1951 Refugee Convention in India’s context

by Asia Today Team
September 17, 2026
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The 1951 Refugee Conference lately marked its seventy fifth anniversary, inspiring a string of commentary. One piece revealed on this newspaper urges India to do extra and commit extra, primarily based on a treaty it has not signed. Such exhortation doesn’t recognise India’s actions and insurance policies on refugee safety up to now and the realities it’s confronted with. Since we’re discussing worldwide regulation, allow us to start with what the Conference really says.

The Supreme Court of India has consistently held that international treaties and conventions may inform the interpretation of the Constitution, but only when India is a signatory or party to them. This doctrine reflects a fundamental principle of democratic sovereignty. (Photo credit: Arvind Yadav/HT Photo)
The Supreme Court docket of India has persistently held that worldwide treaties and conventions might inform the interpretation of the Structure, however solely when India is a signatory or social gathering to them. This doctrine displays a basic precept of democratic sovereignty. (Picture credit score: Arvind Yadav/HT Picture)

The precept of non-refoulement (i.e. the duty to not return refugees to territories the place their lives or freedom are threatened) is popularly thought of a universally binding norm of worldwide regulation, relevant to all States no matter whether or not they have signed the Conference or not.

A deeper examination exhibits that the precept of non-refoulement was not a pre-existing rule of customary worldwide regulation that the 1951 Conference merely codified. It was created by that Conference. Its first codification intentionally restricted protection to occasions occurring in Europe earlier than January 1, 1951.

This was an intentional geographical and temporal limitation imposed on the precept, not an accident of drafting. These limitations mirrored the Chilly Conflict priorities of Western States, which needed the Conference’s safety for their very own refugee populations whereas protecting the door firmly shut towards claims from the creating world. Creating nation delegates objected vigorously, solely to be overruled. The Eurocentric structure of the Conference is the muse on which the present framework rests.

Additionally Learn | Renew, don’t renegotiate, 1951 Refugee Conference

The 1967 Protocol solely eliminated the geographical limitations. It didn’t resolve the deeper query of whether or not non-refoulement had crystallised into customary worldwide regulation, binding on all States. State apply, on this case, is demonstrably inconsistent. Students have but to supply convincing proof supporting a transparent, constant, and uniform State apply required for non-refoulement to be elevated to the extent of customary worldwide regulation. At most, non-refoulement constitutes a regional or hemispherical customized in sure extraterritorial contexts. It isn’t a universally binding obligation on non-signatory States.

India’s non-accession to the Conference shouldn’t be a spot to be managed, one thing that the Bangkok Ideas in some way compensate. India has a distinguished document of defending refugees that’s rivalled by only a few States. However that is regardless of the Refugee Conference, not due to it.

India’s non-accession is a well-considered sovereign selection, made on the founding of the Republic, reaffirmed persistently since, and is totally per each precept of worldwide treaty regulation. States select which treaties to hitch. India has chosen. That selection requires no apology and no compensation.

The Supreme Court docket of India has persistently held that worldwide treaties and conventions might inform the interpretation of the Structure, however solely when India is a signatory or social gathering to them. This doctrine displays a basic precept of democratic sovereignty: The chief and Parliament, not the judiciary, determine which guidelines of worldwide regulation the folks of India want to be sure by.

Additionally Learn | UN sounds warning as refugee conference turns 75

Sure excessive courts have departed from this precept and browse non-refoulement into Article 21 of the Structure with none doctrinal basis. These choices have been accurately recognized by students as per incuriam (arrived at by way of lack of care).

The Bangkok Ideas are simply as non-binding because the Refugee Conference. Citing them as proof of India’s voluntary assumption of non-refoulement-like obligations is a stretch that the textual content of these ideas doesn’t help.

The Rohingya migrants case is at present pending earlier than the Supreme Court docket, with written arguments filed and oral hearings but to be scheduled. The petitioners are arguing, amongst different issues, that non-refoulement binds India as a matter of customary worldwide regulation and should be learn into Articles 14 and 21 of the Structure.

Additionally Learn | UK govt defends plan to restrict refugee standing

On this context, the declare that India’s safety document already displays one thing near a world authorized obligation shouldn’t be a impartial commentary. It has direct bearing on the separation of powers envisaged beneath our Structure. The Supreme Court docket has persistently held that treaties India has not ratified can’t be learn into the Structure.

India’s personal document on refugees — imperfect, selective, and infrequently inconsistent, as any sovereign State’s — is the product of its sovereign government judgment responding to safety considerations, regional relationships, and indigenous sources. The underpinning constitutional basis is fitted to India’s wants within the present age.

Khagesh Gautam is professor of regulation, Jindal World Legislation Faculty. The views expressed are private



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